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Our playbook guide to deceptive fossil fuel practices: part seven

When it comes to the insidious techniques that the industry is using to undermine climate negotiations and delay progress, there are many. Here, we discuss the way fossil fuel giants control the narrative of ‘climate science’ through funding prestigious universities while simultaneously suppressing climate activism.

Here we are, in the final knockings of the 28th Conference of the Parties. Are we due to repeat the mistakes of the past, or is there hope of halting climate change in its tracks?

The culmination of a fortnight’s worth of deliberations has resulted in a de-facto international agreement to phase out fossil fuels. Sound familiar?

Naturally, this loose consensus cannot legally require governments to reach the coveted 1.5C target and contains a ‘littany of loopholes,’ as The Guardian’s Fiona Harvey puts it.

The thinly veiled truth, is that deception remains top of the agenda for governments and fossil fuel companies resistant to change and addicted to profits.

If you haven’t been keeping up with our playbook guide series on the subject, check out the previous part on how fossil fuel companies infiltrate climate negotiations.

In this final edition, we’re looking into how gas and oil giants seek to control the narrative of climate change by funding university research that supports their own interests. We’ll then explain how our right to protest fossil fuel expansion is calculatingly thwarted.

Funding universities to control the narrative of climate change

Propping up three decades of constant growth, fossil fuel giants have meticulously ensured that, wherever possible, scientific research supports their cause. While science and transparency are usually synonymous with one another, here the former is used to conceal the truth.

Following in the footsteps of Big Tobacco, which stockpiled academics and funded university research playing down the health risks of smoking back in 1954, fossil fuel companies have been throwing money at carefully vetted university projects for 30 plus years.

The aim: to stem public concern about the ecological damage being caused by the industry.

The origins of this practice can be traced back to 1991, when governments revealed that gas and oil production would begin to be regulated. The French fossil fuel industry responded by investing heavily in American universities and their respective research into anthropogenic global warming.

Records highlight a notable scheme, where several Colombia University studies into carbon uptake by the ocean were heavily financed by polluters – no doubt to understate the impact of GHG emissions and talk-up the sequestration powers of our oceans.

In 1998, a policy proposal leaked to the media in which the American Petroleum Institute had laid out a multi-year ploy to create ‘scientific uncertainty’ around the links between fossil fuels and climate change.

Headed up by a hand-picked cohort of scientists, the project document read: ‘The centre will be funded at a level that will permit it to succeed, including funding for research contracts.’ In laymen’s terms, fossil fuel proprietors were determined that eco-science in the public domain would exonerate them of any wrongdoing.

In the years since, staples of the modern oil empire – including BP, ExxonMobil, API, and many others – have continued to fund university research with the hope of extending their dirty practices. We’re talking $700m to 27 institutions in under a decade.

The key difference now, however, is that people are way more clued up on climate change and the damage unequivocally caused by fossil fuels. The focus of oil companies has thus shifted to research on ambiguous carbon capture technology and proclaiming it as a primary solution to achieving the terms of the Paris Agreement.

Alas, after decades of blinkered obedience, students and researchers are finally starting to take agency over the situation.

Pupils and faculty members at the likes of MIT, Berkley, Stanford, and George Mason have demanded that administrators pull the plug on funding from fossil fuel companies.

In the rush to disassociate, several student-led lawsuits have also been filed and the ineffective nature of many carbon capture studies has been made public – most notably by the MIT.

Despite this, many universities still maintain a healthy relationship with oil companies and investment from the sector will continue to flow.

This clash of interests has muddied the water for long enough. Is it too much to ask for research papers to be based on unbiased science and not some shady corporate agenda?

You could protest, but that’s a problem entirely of its own standing.

https://youtu.be/Q_Uh-NfuZrE


How civilian efforts to protest are being suppressed

While the majority of us like to think we live in a democratic society, civil acts of disdain directed at the fossil fuel industry are regularly clamped down on with an iron fist.

When talking demonstrations explicitly designed to go viral, such as Just Stop Oil campaigners glueing themselves to roads or to gallery exhibits, it’s understandable that that a civil-disobedience lawsuit is likely in the offing.

That’s not what we’re discussing here, however. On the contrary, the ability to stage a peaceful protest without legal intervention is rapidly dwindling also.

Sweeping anti-protest laws reportedly protect about 60% of US gas and oil operations from picketers, disgruntled residents, and indigenous groups upended by new infrastructure. As demonstrations – even beyond the grounds of facilities – fall under the bracket of trespassing, attempts to protest are met with increasingly harsh punishments.

An exposé brought forth by Greenpeace USA called Dollars Vs Democracy 2023 points to a joint effort from fossil fuel corporations, their lobbyists, and trade organisations to instantly threaten legal action for any so-called dissent towards oil production and expansion.

In-fact, it claims that of 116 SLAPP (strategic lawsuit against public participation) and judicial harassment claims since 2010, 86 were filed by companies that have previously lobbied for anti-protest laws to be instated.

This includes familiar names like ExxonMobil, Murray Energy Corporation, Energy Transfer, Chevron, and TransCanada. Coincidence?

Moreover, since 2017, upwards of 250 anti-protest bills have been introduced across 45 states, including legislation to eliminate driver liability for hitting protesters and the establishment of felony offences for demonstrations construed (key word) as riots, according to the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law.

‘We are seeing an escalation of tactics to criminalise, bully, and sue those working for climate action, Indigenous rights, and environmental justice,’ explained Ebony Twilley Martin, executive director of Greenpeace USA – whose colleagues know a thing or two about such tactics.

Currently in the crosshairs of Shell and an $8m lawsuit, merely for boarding a storage boat in February, Greenpeace alleged that the oil giant had offered to settle at $1.4m provided campaigners agreed to never protest at any Shell infrastructure ever again.

A grubby deal for a grubby company.

Given Shell recorded record profits of $40bn last year, it’s safe to infer that resolving a few incurred expenses weren’t top of the company’s agenda. In all likelihood, it appears Shell seized an opportunity to strategically eliminate an advisory that has been a thorn in its side for decades.

This blatant attempt at blackmail is indicative of a growing intolerance towards protesters, and stronger protections for the fossil fuel conglomerates that claim to be making holistic changes.

Conducting COP28 within the UAE just about sums the situation up. Demonstrations in previous years had participants in the tens of thousands. Now, numbers have been whittled down and confined to a small UN controlled space which has its own tight restrictions on speech.

Record numbers of fossil fuel lobbyists, meanwhile, are free to leisurely swan around the pavilion discussing business and ‘ecological plans’ with no added pressure.

Whose side is the UN on again?

Want to learn more? You can read our playbook series from the very beginning right here.

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